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THE QUEST FOR A SMART GROWTH MODEL
Thomas Barraud
Smart growth theory is one thing and reality is often
very different. So far in the world there has not been a
single country that decided to opt for smart growth as a
general model for development.
However, several of them have experienced situations
fitting the definition of smart growth without
necessarily trying to promote it or purposely reach such
a model.
The real issue is then to work out if smart growth –
either through a conscious choice or as a result from
different sets of actions – is applicable to a majority
of countries and could eventually challenge a
production-oriented model.
First we need to inquire about what smart growth
supporters endorse as unarguable successes. Cuban
agriculture is one of them. Many commentators state that
Cuba had to struggle with a sudden collapse in
USSR-funded subsidies for its sugar and the loss of
supplies of chemical pesticides and herbicides from the
Eastern bloc, and therefore was forced to start
producing homegrown fruits and vegetables in a massive
conversion to organic agriculture in order to supply its
needs, all the while emphasizing local farms called
agropónicos, to avoid using oil for trucking
produce. (See Andrew Buncombe, “Cuba’s Agricultural
Revolution an Example to the World”, Seattle
Post-Intelligencer, 13 August, 2006, as articles by
Jason Mark in Earth Island Journal and Bill
McKibben in Harpers.)
There is no doubt that such a system is much healthier
than artificially emphasizing
Cuba’s sugar production which prevented its
agriculture from diversifying.
From an economic point of view, the example of Cuba may
not serve as a sustainable model for the rest of the
world. Cuba is an isolated economy hence not dependent
on other economies. Firstly, Cuba is able to set prices
that do not correspond to those of the world market
without fearing an overflow of foreign products that
would cause the Cuban agriculture to disappear. Secondly
and as a result of the preceding drawback, prices of
many staples in Cuba are artificial because they are not
confronted by any competition. Some countries can
produce some goods for a lower price than
Cuba
as they benefit from better soil or more intensive
agriculture.
From the Cuban experience must be drawn some conclusions
in order to define a workable smart growth model. Smart
growth might in some cases trigger an increase in
consumption prices. In wealthy countries most customers
may be willing to pay more with regards to the social
benefits but in developing nations such an increase
could have disastrous consequences.
This argument can be partially dismissed if one takes
into consideration the fact that many people in
developing nations with capital intensive agro-industry
still experience
starvation.
Now the possible drawbacks of smart growth have been
assessed thanks to the analysis of former smart growth
experiences, I will try to give some clues of what a
sustainable smart growth model potentially applicable
worldwide could be.
First of all, smart growth covers many different fields
– transportation, urbanism, agriculture… - which will
all have to be incorporated into the model for it to be
sustainable.
Secondly, the very idea of a smart growth model might be
just an illusion as the term model involves rigidity
whereas smart growth needs flexibility to be successful.
I will try to define a pattern more than a model, as my
goal is to reach out to as many countries and different
situations as possible.
Let’s take the example of Paris: there are 11 million
people living in
Paris and its suburbs1, owning as many as 5 million
private cars (16% of all private cars in
France).
These figures must be compared to those of public
transportation. There are an estimated 6.8 million
public transport journeys every day in the whole Paris
area up from 4.5 million in 1970.
So
it seems that cars are losing ground. But the situation
is more complex and while more and more people use
public transport, cars are also increasingly used on a
daily basis by the same people. Every day in the Paris
area there are about 15.5 million car journeys, double
the amount of public transport journeys. The pace of
increase is 2% a year, that is to say more than that of
public transport.
Paris probably needs to go further towards a real smart
growth model, instead of implementing more railways and
bus lines.
Paris
must take a stronger stance against cars in order to
change the culture of people, and for instance put taxes
on cars entering the city the same way as in London. As
previously shown, Paris does not lack public transport
(even though the network needs to be enhanced), so no
one can argue that people need their cars. They just
think they do and only tax incentives could deeply
change their behavior which results from a car culture
that is not so different from the American car culture.
Hence my conclusion: a sustainable smart growth pattern
needs to focus on mass culture. Public transport is not
trendy; nor are smart growth housing patterns which put
the emphasis on smaller buildings and denser housing.
Smart growth supporters need to invest in the marketing
industry and work on building as seductive a model as
that of car makers.
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